英语演讲稿
英语演讲稿1
good morning,everyone.i'm so happy to give my own speech here today.
once in a while,i'd think back on the things of past one year.lucky and excited,i was admitted into this school which is the best high school in our city.i thought it could give me great stimulation to achieve the dream in my heart.however,when i was on the point of facing difficulties,i seemed so weak on the way to success.i gradully lost interest in studying.the stimulation had gotten out of my system and wasn't in control of my mental.i began being absent-minded in most of classes.playing cellphone became my foolish fault.finally i delayed my studies.how could i account for my low scores?the answer might be:i was wrong all the way.
but now it's a new start for me.i've made up my mind to be on the right way.i must attach study to me and my future.in a way,i want to apologize to many people who think highly of me for my fault.from now on,i'll never hesitate to strive for my future,although many things may add to my laziness.
i ain't gonna be just a face in the crowd,you're gonna hear my voice when i shout it out aloud.i hope that not only me,but also everyone sitting here can study hard to strive for our futures.cheer up!let's whoop lyrically:we are the champions~~~
right now it's my whoop,can you hear me?
ok.so much for this.much to my joy,you're listening to my speech..
that's all,thank you~~~~
several years ago, i was very lucky to have an opportunity to live in the united states for about two years. i not only enjoyed the beautiful environment there, but also appreciated the american people's active way of protecting their environment. now, whenever the environment protection is mentioned, a beautiful view of california will arise in my mind: white clouds flying acrothe blue sky, green grassplot sprinkled with colorful flowers and small animals playing happily among the trees.
英语演讲稿2
auto will remain steadfast in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happineand well-being for all men.
VerdanaI therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.
Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.
Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground. But we've never lost an astronaut in flight. We've never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we've forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe. We mourn their loas a nation together.
And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle's take-off. I know it's hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen. It's all part of the proceof exploration and discovery. It's all part of taking a chance and expanding man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them.
We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.
英语演讲稿3
he values Americans live by may seem strange to you. As a result, you might find their actions confusing, even unbelievable. This is my opinion about American Value. Whether you agree with me or not - or is willing to accept as valid any generalizations about Americans - my observations are thought-provoking.
Americans do not believe in the power of fate, and they look at people who do as being backward, primitive, or na-iv-e. In the American context, to be "fatalistic" is to be superstitious, lazy, or unwilling to take initiative. Everyone should have control over whatever in the environment might potentially affect him or her. The problems of one's life are not seen as having resulted from bad luck as much as having come from one's lazineand unwillingneto take responsibility in pursuing a better life.
In the American mind, change is seen as indisputably good, leading to development, improvement, progress. Many older, more traditional cultures consider change disruptive and destructive; they value stability, continuity, tradition, and ancient heritage - none of which are considered very important in the United States.
Time is of utmost importance to most Americans. It is something to be on, kept, filled, saved, used, spent, wasted, lost, gained, planned, given, even killed. Americans are more concerned with getting things accomplished on time than they are with developing interpersonal relations. Their lives seem controlled by the little machines they wear on their wrists, cutting their discussions off abruptly to make their next appointment on time. This philosophy has enabled Americans to be extremely productive, and productivity Is highly valued In their country.
Equality is so cherished in the U.S. that it is seen as having a religious basis. Americans believe that all people are created equal and that all should have an equal opportunity to succeed. This concept of equality is strange to seven-eighths of the world which views status and authority as desirable, even if they happen to be near the bottom of the social order. Since Americans like to treat foreigners "Just like anybody else", newcomers to the U.S. should realize that no insult or personal indignity is intended if they are treated in a lethan-deferential manner by waiters in restaurants, clerks in stores and hotels, taxi drivers, and other service personnel.
英语演讲稿4
Hello! Everyone. My name is ***. I am a student in junior grade two in Xian Tieyi Middle School. I am 13 years old. I work very hard at school. My teachers say that I am a top student. I love studying. Besides studying, I have many hobbies. I am good at swimming and I have been practicing swimming for3 years; I also enjoy music. I have been learning Guzheng for 9 years and I got the first prize 4 times in the competitions in our province. I like traveling , too. I have been to many places in China and abroad. I think traveling can broaden my horizon. So, that’s me!
The title of my talk is “Why Do I want to be a teacher? ”
Why do I want to be a teacher? First，It is my dream. I have been a student for about ten years. Many teachers have taught me to grow up. Teachers are kind, patient, full of love to us students. I want to be a person like them. Just as a song sings “Teachers are like mothers.” They are always smiling to us. They teach us knowledge. They teach us how to live. They teach us to sing. They teach us to do sports. They are always trying their best towake us become better people . Teachers are like candles. They burn themselves and light students. Teacher is the most happy job under the sunshine in the world. Because of these， I want to be a teacher.
Second, in my family, there are many teachers. My grandparents and my aunt are all teachers. They live very happy and meaningful lives. They enjoy their job and they love their job. When they are at home, they often talk about things in schools. It is very interesting. They gave me great influence. So, I want to be a teacher.
All in all, being a teacher is my dream. I want my dream to come true!
That’s all for my talk. Thank you!
英语演讲稿5
We all meed courage
Hello everyone!The topic of my speech is"We all need courage!".
In our daily life,we often hear someone complain about their situation in which everything seems not to go as they wished.Surely,we all hope that we would do things perfactly and everything
would be successful.However,life is cruel.There must be some obstacles keeping us from success and the result may be let us dowm.
So,I want to say to you and also to me that we need courage.
We all need courage to fight with the difficuties.
We all need courage to face the bad result.After all:"Faliure is the mother of success"!
Be courageous,and everything will go better and better!
英语演讲稿6
Hello every one! my name is *** .Today,I’d like to talk about mother’s love. Only mother’s love is true love .It gives everybody everything in all his life ,When you are still a baby ,mother takes good care of you as much as possible. In your waking hours she always holds you in her arms. When you are ill, she stops her work right now to look after you day and night and forgets about herself. When you are growing up day by day, she feels very happy. When you are old enough to go to school, mother still looks after you all the time. On cold winter days, she always tells you to put on more clothes. She always stands in the window waiting for you back from school. When you are hurry to leave home for school with out breakfast ,she feels worried about you at home.She usually knows about your study and spends much money on your school things . When you do well at school . you will see the brightest smile on her face. Mother is always ready to give everything she has to her children ,not to receive. What true love that is in the world !We will remember Mother love forever.
英语演讲稿7
Leo Tolstoy once said, everyone thinks of changing the world, but no one thinks of changing himself.
He is right. We always have great plans and dreams in our minds… too ready to achieve something grand that changes the world or benefits all of mankind .For example; we hate pollution and have made up our minds to find new energy sources that keep the environment clean. Yet we still litter on the ground. We complain about traffic jams, so we plan to build more highways to solve the problem, but it never occurs to us that our failure to follow traffic regulations is the leading cause of this situation. We are so concerned that the violence in the media has a bad impact on our children, we urge the government to set laws to protect them. But, do we, as adults, set a good example for our kids? We use nasty words and even spit on the ground in front of them, I dare to say, we harm more!
In my opinion, before we decide to change the world, we had better change ourselves first. As ordinary individuals, we do not have the power to change the world. But we can change our habit of littering, spitting, cussing, we can respect the environment around us, we must act as good models for our kids.
If each of us does all of these little things, all of us, millions and millions of individuals together, together we will be strong …strong enough to change our world!
So please, the next time you do something, think how your actions influence
英语演讲稿8
Everyone is eager to freedom.But not everybody can deal with the freedom.
It is like a bird who want to fly higher than they think can not leave away their familiesor like a baby who want to walk by himselfbut he is too young to walk.It is said that there are not ruleswe can not have a circle.
As we all knownmothers give us bodies and social gives us freedom.But
you should to see the prisoner around us.Do not they need free?We should value our timelove and so onwhen they lost their freedom and admire us.Then you know you are very lucky.Sometimes freedom give us couragesometimes freedom give us beliefbut sometimes freedom dissipate us.So we should grasp usdistinguish right from incorrect.
In my opinionwe are eager to freedomand we should try our best to protect our freedom.At last but not least we should respect ourselves.
英语演讲稿9
Good Evening, my fellow Americans.
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.
Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?
How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.
In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?
Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet union , launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.
In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.
Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.
But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?
In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.
For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.
We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.
With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.
For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.
Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.
In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.
We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.
President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.
For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.
For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.
We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.
And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.
We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.
At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.
We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.
That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.
Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.
I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.
Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.
In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.
None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.
I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.
I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.
“Dear Mr. President:
“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war."
I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.
In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.
And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.
But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.
Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.
And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.
There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.
I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.
Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.
It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.
Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.
We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.
In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.
Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.
He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”
Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .
First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.
Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.
Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.
I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.
Thank you.
小知识提示：好的演讲稿，应该既有热情的鼓动，又有冷静的分析，要把抒情和说理有机地结合起来，做到动之以情，晓之以理。
英语演讲稿10
亲爱的老师，同学们：
我很高兴可以在这个课堂上做一次演讲。这一次，我想谈谈英语。我的话题是我爱英语。
正如每个人所知，英语在今天十分重要。它已经被应用到世界的各个角落。它已经成为商业上最为通用的一门语言并广泛的用于国际贸易。如果我们能说好英语，我们就有更多的机会成功。因为越来越多的人注意到这一点，学英语的人数正在已很高的速度增长。
但是对我而言，我学英语不仅仅因为它的重要性以及它的实用性，更是因为我喜爱英语。当我学英语时，我可以体会到一种不同的思维方式，它可以给我更多接触世界的空间。当我读英语小说时，我能感受到不同于阅读翻译文的快乐。当我说英语时，我可以感到自信。当我写英语时，我能够感到不同于汉语的那种美……
我爱英语，它给了我一个色彩斑斓的.梦。我希望有朝一日我可以畅游世界，用我流利的英语，我可以和世界各地的人交友。我能看到许多的名胜。我希望我能够到伦敦去，因为那里是英语的故乡。
我也希望用我流利的英语来将我们的名胜介绍给说英语的朋友，我希望他们可以像我们一样的爱我们的国家。
我知道，罗马不是一天筑成的。（成功需要日积月累。）我相信在持续不断的努力学习下，总有一天我可以拥有一口流利的英语。
如果你想被爱，你就应该学着去爱他人。所以我相信我对英语的爱定将换来它对我的爱。
我相信总有一天我会实现我的梦！
谢谢！
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